by Leo Hohmann, Leo’s Newsletter:
Quiet insertion of new section to Intelligence Authorization Act of 2027 comes on heels of House amendment to NDAA that would mandate U.S. military to share technology breakthroughs with Israel.
I recently reported that the U.S. House of Representatives has quietly inserted an amendment, Section 224, into the National Defense Authorization Act of 2027 that would merge the U.S. and Israeli militaries for purposes of various weapons technology research and development, including but not limited to artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, cyber, quantum computing, biotechnology and virtually any other new developments that come down the pike.
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If that wasn’t bad enough, there is an even more questionable piece of legislation now being advanced in the U.S. Senate that seeks to merge the two nations’ intelligence-gathering operations in the Middle East.
Buried deep inside the Senate’s 192-page Intelligence Authorization Act of 2027 is Section 622, titled “United States-Israel Intelligence Sharing Enhancement.” It would require the president, acting through the director of national intelligence and as necessary the secretary of war, to “expand and enhance intelligence sharing with the Government of Israel” on a list of subjects that encompasses almost every topic of intelligence interest in the Middle East.
The amendment was offered by Republican Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas, a notorious Israel-firster who has been a vocal proponent of U.S. involvement in every foreign war of choice in the Middle East since getting elected to the House in 2012 and the Senate in 2014. Although not as well-known as Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Mr. Cotton is every bit as bad when it comes to his eagerness to use U.S. military power on behalf of foreign interests.
Cotton has ascended under Trump to the powerful position of chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. He has reached a new low by trying to sneak Section 622 into the annual intelligence funding bill.
In his own press release on the bill, issued on May 21, Cotton makes no mention of the mandated sharing in intelligence information with Israel.
The amendment to the intelligence community’s overall funding bill would prohibit any suspension, reduction, or limitation of such sharing “except on the basis of a specific and identifiable national security concern determined by the President.” Any such exception would require a report to Congress within 15 days detailing not only the reason for the change but also the categories of information involved. The same report would require an assessment of the anticipated impact on regional security and various other matters.
So what this does is codify into law a marriage of the U.S. and Israeli intelligence agencies. This is a relationship that is already extremely close, but it appears the Israelis are fearful that with Americans waking up to the enormous amount of influence they have over U.S. foreign policy, future members of Congress might vote to scale back the relationship. With Section 622, that would be almost impossible.
It should be noted that the Israeli intelligence agency, the Mossad, was a key part of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s team that made a presentation in the White House Situation Room to President Trump on Feb. 11, according to a April 7 article in the New York Times. It was in this meeting that false evidence pointing to a quick and easy war against Iran was presented by the Israelis. After the meeting, President Trump’s own top military advisor, Gen. Daniel Caine, tried to convince Trump not to believe the Israeli presentation because he didn’t agree with the Mossad’s intelligence on Iran claiming that the government was weak and vulnerable. Even Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a staunch supporter of Israel over his long Senate career, reportedly cast doubt on the quality of the Israeli intelligence. But Trump chose to go with the advice of Netanyahu and Mossad Director David Barnea over his own advisors, who ended up being 100 percent correct, as borne out by the fact that here we are three and a half months later and the Iranian regime is still firmly in control of the country.
In 2003, the U.S. also based much of its case against Saddam Hussein and Iraq having weapons of mass destruction on faulty Israeli intelligence. We went to war, deposed Saddam, but never found any WMD.
