Viva la RevoluciĆ³n?

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by Jeff Thomas, International Man:

In every country where a revolution has taken place (whether it be a ā€œsoftā€ revolution or a violent overthrow), those who are part of the winning team make a point of glorifying the revolution and all the ā€œgoodā€ that it has brought. For this reason, the inhabitants of most countries where a revolution has taken place at some point in their history will believe that the revolution was positive. In countries where that revolution was opposed, the people will most likely regard the revolution as negative.

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As an example, Frenchmen tend to praise their Revolution of 1789, in which the aristocracy were overthrown. Since then, the emphasis has been on the ā€œlittle man.ā€ The little man would not only be treated equally to the aristocrat, he would receiveĀ preferentialĀ treatment. Not surprisingly, this devolved into the socialism that dominates France today. In spite of the dysfunctionality of the French system, most Frenchmen fondly praise the Revolution and the ā€œfreedomā€ that it ostensibly created for them.

And then we have the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Its stated purpose was to overthrow the aristocratic Batista Regime and replace it with one that favoured theĀ campesinos. The aristocracy was removed and ownership of most everything moved to the state. There is most certainly greater equality in Cuba today (albeit at a very low level), and yet weā€™re taught to regard the Cuban Revolution as having been destructive, as it devolved into socialism. Although the current system is largely dysfunctional, the Cuban people, even today, speak of the freedom that the Revolution created for them.

These two examples are similar, and yet Westerners are taught to regard the French government as an enlightened body of men and women who spend their waking hours legislating for ever-increased goodness for the French people, yet weā€™re equally taught to regard the Cuban government as tyrannical rulers lording over an oppressed people.

The perception of the results of the respective revolutions would seem to have little to do with the reason for the revolution, its immediate outcome, or its eventual outcome, and have more to do with whether the leadership of the country is ā€œon our sideā€ or not. Those countries where the leaders align themselves with our own country are good and enlightened, whilst the leaders who do not align themselves with our country are tyrannical dictators. The true level of freedom for the people is not really at issue.

ā€œWeā€™re Not Going to Take it Anymoreā€

So letā€™s take a thumbnail view of revolutions. The premise behind the desire for revolution is always the same ā€“ a segment of the population feels that the government (and very possibly their cohorts) have become oppressive and should be overthrown. When the history is written by the victors, they will endeavour to create the impression that the entire population rose up; however, this is never the case. AĀ dissatisfied minorityĀ succeeded in taking over.

So what, then, of the majority? Well, prior to the revolution, they sat along the sidelines and tolerated whatever perceived injustices the former government imposed upon them. During the revolution, they often sat on the sidelines, hoping to have as little involvement as possible, and, after the revolution, they generally sat on the sidelines, hoping to benefit from the new regime, or at least avoid being victimised.

In Russia in 1917, a relatively small number of people overthrew the aristocracy and were then faced with the problem of taking over. They had no experience in this and didnā€™t know where to begin. Enter Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin, who had little to do with the revolution itself but, through funding from London and New York banks, were able to pay the Russian military and police to establish order, to a cursory degree. Once this was achieved, they used the military and police to establish order to aĀ ruthlessĀ degree. (Not exactly saving the little man from the oppression of the aristocracy.) As Mister Lenin himself said,

ā€œOne man with a gun can control one hundred without one.ā€

In the aforementioned France in 1789, the aristocracy was overthrown by a relatively small number of revolutionaries, and, again, the victors had no real experience in running a country. Enter Maximilien Robespierre, a lawyer with a flair for control and a contempt for the hoi polloi. However, he was good at rhetoric, and the people cheered as he lopped off heads. This in spite of the fact that he most certainly did not deliver ā€œfreedomā€ to the French people, only the illusion of it. As he himself stated,

ā€œThe secret of freedom lies in educating people, whereas the secret of tyranny is in keeping them ignorant.ā€

And so it has gone, in one revolution after another. Whether it be a soft revolution, or a violent one, itā€™s generally followed by a disorganised and often violent period, where commerce, social stability,Ā andĀ freedom suffer, at the very least, for as long as it takes the new management to pull it all together, and, in most cases, long thereafter. From Juan PerĆ³n in Argentina, the Shah in Iran, Hugo ChĆ”vez in Venezuela, and countless others, revolution has meant diminished liberty and hard economic times.

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